Motivation and emotion/Book/2026/Self-concept and motivation

Self-concept and motivation:
How does self-concept relate to motivation?

Overview

Figure 1. Ash is a competitive swimmer and swims daily. Scenario Ash is a swimmer training for a national competition. Being "a swimmer" is the first thing Ash thinks of when she’s asked to describe herself and she’s eager to succeed in the upcoming competition. Ash wakes up at 4:00am every morning to swim four kilometres (see Figure 1). Her friend Riley is always surprised by how Ash wakes up so early and swims so much. Why is Ash able to do this when many would find this a struggle?

Self-concept is an individual's understanding of who they are and how they feel about themselves. This includes a complex system of the attitudes, beliefs and judgements about oneself. Self-concept guides individuals in answering the question “who am I?” (Wehrle & Fasbender, 2018). But its importance extends beyond answering that question. Self-concept influences thinking, feelings and behaviour. Consider self-concept an internal compass which motivates and guides choices, relationships and one's understanding of the world.  

For Ash in the case study, being a swimmer and succeeding in the upcoming swimming competition are core to her self-concept. This guides and motivates her behaviour of swimming early every morning.  

This chapter explores how the understanding of oneself influences what one is motivated to do and examines how what one repeatedly does subsequently shapes self-concept. Understanding how and why individuals perceive themselves the way they do, and the impacts of self-concepts, can improve the understanding of human behaviour, help foster positive self-concept and enable embracing the motivational properties of self-concept.

Focus questions What is self-concept? How does self-concept influence motivation? How does motivation influence self-concept? How can understanding self-concept be used to improve motivation and wellbeing?

Understanding self-concept

The self is central to humanhood and the scientific understanding of human behaviour. Thus, the question of “what makes me, me?” has been theorised about throughout history and is important to understand. Although each theory approaches self-concept differently, several common properties emerge. Self-concept appears to be a multifaceted, hierarchical, socially developed, and dynamic system of self-knowledge (see Table 1). These properties provide the foundation for understanding the motivational effects of self-concept.

Self-concept is a cognitive framework which is unique to, but encompasses, many of the popular “self-” constructs – self-esteem (perceived value of yourself), self-efficacy (perceived task capability) and self-image (description of yourself). See the linked pages for details on each of these separate constructs.

Table 1

Self-Concept Properties and Their Significance for Motivation.

Property	Significance for motivation
Multifaceted	Different aspects of the self motivate different behaviours
Hierarchical	General and specific domains influence each other and different behaviours
Socially developed	Social feedback influences which behaviours are pursued
Dynamic	Self-concept changes with experience
Evaluative	Perceived self-worth affects responses to success/failure
Descriptive	Identity beliefs influence goals and expectations

How does self-concept influence motivation?

A growing body of research suggests self-concept has important motivational properties. Motivation is an internal process which initiates, directs and sustains behaviour (Lens & Vansteenkiste, 2020). Like self-concept, motivation is multidimensional, ubiquitous and central to human behaviour (Bandhu et al., 2024). This creates an interesting intersection of properties; self-concept and motivation are both central guiding forces of behaviour and navigating the environment. This section explores how self-concept influences motivation.  

How does self-concept direct goals?

Individuals pursue and evaluate goals in ways that align with their self-concept. This is driven by the human tendency to strive for alignment between self-concept and behaviour.  

Rogers’ (1959) theory suggests the self is comprised of the real self and the ideal self. The alignment of these is known as congruence, a state where one has the capacity to pursue self-improving goals. When the ideal and real self do not align (incongruence), an individual experiences poorer mental health and acts defensively. This incongruence generates a psychological tension which acts as a motivating force, pushing the individual to either modify their behaviour to align with their self-concept, or modify their self-concept (Stephen, 2023).  

Supporting this concept, later research has similarly suggested that ideal standards function as reference values individuals use to evaluate their current behaviour and direct goal pursuit (Boldero & Francis, 2002). Howard and Dhillon (2022) also found using Rogers’ Q-sort, a measure of self-concept and congruency, can be an effective method of reflection to help individuals consciously choose goals that help achieve a congruent, ideal self.  

However, direct support for the foundational concept of congruence is sparse (Phillips et al., 1965). Rogers’ Q-sort was used to empirically test the concept of congruence. Phillips et al. (1965) found that incongruent participants, as indicated by Q-sort results, did not become more congruent over a 6-month measurement period, thus indicating a lack of movement motivated by incongruency. One explanation is that Rogers conceptualised self-concept as relatively stable. But this framework has not been fully discounted. In response to the poor empirical support for congruence, contemporary research tends to adopt a dynamic and context dependent approach to self-concept. Oyserman’s (2024) identity-based motivation theory, for example considers self-concept as continually constructed dynamically and contextually. This approach may therefore provide a more flexible and realistic account of how self-concept influences behaviour in everyday situations.

Identity-based motivation theory suggests situations influence which aspects of our multidimensional self-concept are active – the most salient identity on one’s mind – and thus influence behaviour. Like Rogers’ theory, it suggests individuals behave and interpret situations in ways that align with their identity. However, Oyserman (2015) expands Roger’s simplistic differentiation between real and ideal selves. The theory suggests a temporal flexibility of self-concept. A future self can be an active identity and thus individuals may act congruently to future selves. This may explain why future identities motivate present behaviour. Unlike Rogers' relatively stable model of the ideal self, identity-based motivation theory suggests future identities can become situationally salient and influence immediate behavioural decisions.

The theory suggests that when behaviour is congruent with one’s identity, challenges in completing that behaviour are interpreted as evidence the behaviour is important (Oyserman, 2015). Incongruent actions that have the same challenges are interpreted as pointless. Identities mediate motivation and help goal selection through the process of difficulty interpretation (Oyserman, 2024).

But why is importance motivating? Identity-relevant goals are motivating because they provide information about who one is and who one wants to become. This makes difficulty meaningful rather than discouraging (Oyserman, 2024).

Case study comprehension check: Ash is finding her long training sessions for the upcoming swimming competition difficult. However, when she's training, her future-self identity as an Olympic swimmer helps her interpret this as a meaningful challenge. For her non-swimmer friend, Riley, these difficulties may be interpreted as evidence swimming is not for them.

Nurra and Oyserman (2018) found that motivation to pursue future identity-relevant goals in school children and subsequent achievement increased when children were guided to connect with their future selves. In two separate studies, students were primed to think of their adult-self as near or far. In the first study, those in the adult-self is near group performed significantly better on a geometry task than the control and far group. The second study used a longer-term measure of final grades. Students in the adult-self is near group again performed significantly better than the far group. This longer-term effect of connecting to one’s future self lasted six months. These findings indicate that identifying with one’s future/ideal self can motivate goal attainment. Self-concept is malleable and moderates goal pursuit based on how one perceives themselves at a given time.  

Together, these theories suggest self-concept influences motivation through two complementary processes. Individuals are motivated to reduce discrepancies between their real and ideal selves. Additionally, individuals are motivated to pursue goals that are congruent with situationally active identities. Thus, self-concept directs behaviour by defining desirable outcomes and shaping how challenges and opportunities are interpreted.  

What is the role of perceived competence in the effect of self-concept on motivation?

Self-concept incorporates evaluative beliefs about competence which influence how individuals approach goals. Individuals engage with goals they believe they are more capable of achieving (Marsh et al., 2019). For example, Seaton et al.'s (2014) longitudinal study of 2786 Australian students' found prior mathematics self-concept was a significant positive predictor of mastery-approach and a positive, but weaker predictor of performance-approach goal orientations. According to goal orientation theory, a mastery goal approach involves being motivated to learn, whereas a performance goal approach is motivated by wanting to demonstrate competence (Vandewalle et al., 2019). These results, therefore, suggest that domain-specific self-concepts provide a motivational foundation for how students engage with learning tasks. When students perceive themselves as competent, they are more likely to be motivated to learn, rather than merely demonstrate their competence to others.  

Frade and Viega's (2017) study of navy trainees corroborated these results with non-domain specific measures and a Portuguese adult population, indicating results are generalisable beyond Seaton et al.'s (2014) Australian high school participants and the domain of mathematics. However, Seaton et al.'s (2014) study did not incorporate avoidance (goals motivated to prevent failure) orientations of mastery and performance goals in their analyses, limiting the deductive power of these findings and possibly understating the strength of the identified correlation. Nevertheless, results support that perceived self-competence influences goal engagement.  

How can self-concept undermine motivation?

The theories and research discussed so far optimistically discuss how self-concept motivates one to meet their ideal self. However, there are circumstances under which self-concept undermines motivation. Contingent self-evaluations and self-handicapping help us understand how self-concept can undermine motivation.

Self-worth contingencies refer to the standards one feels they must meet to have value as a person (Showers et al., 2015). Holding contingent beliefs about one's value can undermine motivation. For individuals who have highly contingent self-worth, achieving goals is closely tied to their self-concept, meaning failure is threatening to one's self-concept. Accordingly, contingent self-worth motivates pursuit of success for domains that are important for one's self-worth. This is consistent with Oyserman and Rogers' theories that individuals tend to set self-consistent goals, and that these goals are highly valued and thus highly motivated.

Lietz et al. (2026) corroborates that this motivating guide provided by self-concept resulted in participants' negative and severe emotional responses to failure. Further, participants tended to attribute failure to personal shortcomings, due to how closely held the goal was to their self-concept, which resulted in reduced motivation to reattempt, or blind pursuit of the same goal without re-examining the approach (Lietz et al., 2026). This is consistent with attribution theory (Weiner, 1985), which posits that causal thinking processes, whereby one attributes outcomes to stable, uncontrollable factors results in low motivation. Attributional styles affect self-evaluations and thus can undermine motivation when failure is attributed to stable aspects of the self (Bandhu et al., 2024).

Presenting another pitfall of self-concept driven motivation, Fairlamb (2020) suggests contingent self-worth motivation is temporary. This temporary nature is illustrated by Lawrence and Gonzales' (2022) results from 466 university students, wherein self-report measures of motivation and self-worth showed a correlation between academically contingent self-worth and self-worth boosting goals such as studying to graduate, rather than studying for the joy of it. They also showed a correlation between academically contingent self-worth and amotivation, a lack of purpose and drive.  

van der Kaap-Deeder et al. (2016) explains the motivational boost from contingent self-worth is temporary because it is driven by a 'need to do well' motivation (introjected regulation), rather than intrinsic regulation (internal drive). These different motivation types are proposed by self-determination theory, wherein intrinsic motivation provides a more sustainable motivational force, as the behaviour is powered by its inherent satisfaction (Zhang et al., 2016). Introjected motivation, however, is driven by internal guilt or pressure, resulting in stress and a feeling of a lack of autonomy (Taris et al., 2020). These uncomfortable affective experiences, paired with any perceived risk of failure causes motivation from contingent self-worth to decrease, and maladaptive behaviours emerge (van der Kaap-Deeder et al., 2016).

One such response to the threat of failure is self-handicapping. Self-handicapping is the act of creating obstacles to one's own goal so that failure may not be self-attributed (Török et al., 2018). Creating a handicap generates an equally plausible and external explanation for one's outcome other than the self. This indicates that a handicapper is willing to increase the probability of failure to protect their self-concept, reflecting the motivating quality of self-concept and indicating self-concept can hinder goal pursuit (Coudevylle et al., 2020).

Case study comprehension check: Ash cares a lot about succeeding in her swimming competition. To protect her self-concept as a successful swimmer, Ash may feign a mild illness at the competition so that any failure is attributed to her illness, rather than her competence.

Schwinger et al. (2022) found a medium negative correlation between general self-esteem and self-handicapping and a medium positive correlation between fear of failure and self-handicapping. Self-esteem mirrors the evaluative property of self-concept; fear of failure reflects concern about the implications of failure for one's self-concept. This highlights self-concept as an antecedent to self-handicapping and related motivational and performance outcomes. In this study, general, rather than domain-specific measures were used. As the multidimensional theory of self-concept suggests, the more specific the self-concept facet, the more closely related to actual behaviour it is (see Figure 2; Marsh et al., 2019). Accordingly, future research should incorporate domain-specific measures of self-concept and fear of failure to illustrate their direct influence on self-handicapping and task motivation.

Figure 2. The hierarchical multidimensional model of self-concept (Marsh et al., 1992).

Self-handicapping demonstrates that motivation is not always directed towards achieving valued outcomes. Under some circumstances, protecting self-worth becomes more important than succeeding at the task itself. To illustrate the behavioural effects of self-handicapping, Rhodewalt and Fairfield (1991) found that participants who scored highly on a measure of self-handicapping tendency and reported intentions to withhold effort in a test subsequently performed worse than others. This reflects the influence of self-concept on motivation; preserving one’s image undermines motivation to succeed due to the threat of failure and what it means for one’s self concept. Whereas Rogers (1959) and Oyserman (2015) suggest people are motivated to pursue identity-congruent goals, self-handicapping highlights a potential downside of identity-relevant goals. When success becomes central to the self, individuals may become motivated to protect their self-concept rather than maximise performance.

However, repeatedly self-handicapping as motivated by threats to the self-concept, may itself threaten self-concept (Schwinger et al., 2022). Recurrent self-handicapping may result in patterns of underperformance which may become incorporated into one's self-concept. This is consistent with reciprocal models of self-concept development, wherein self-concept-motivated behaviours can form patterns which circularly shape self-concept; these will be explored later in this chapter.

Self-concept is an important guiding system for behaviour. Thus, self-deception through self-defensive strategies can create a dysfunctional self-concept which can have detrimental effects on how behaviour is motivated as well as emotional wellbeing (Greve & Wentura, 2003). Together, this research suggests that self-concept can act both as a motivational resource, and motivational vulnerability. When self-concept is threatened by evidence evaluated to suggest one is not who they think they are, motivation decreases.

How does motivation influence self-concept?

The research and theories have thus far detailed how self-concept directs and motivates behaviour. The following section explores how this relationship works in reverse, illustrating the bidirectional relationship between self-concept and motivation.  

How does internalising motivation shape self-concept?

Self-determination theory proposes there are different types of motivation, influenced by three innate needs, competence, autonomy, and relatedness (Ryan & Deci, 2020). Understanding the temporal progression of these needs and motivation types can provide insight into how motivational processes can influence self-concept.  

Ryan and Deci (2020) suggest behavioural regulation exists on a continuum of self-determination, ranging from externally regulated behaviour to increasingly internalised regulation. The motivations proposed on the self-determination continuum, in order of increasingly self-determined motivations are: external, introjected, identified, integrated, and intrinsic regulation. Intrinsic motivation refers to autonomous behaviours completed for enjoyment (see Table 2). Extrinsic motivation is the drive to obtain an external reward or avoid a negative result (Morris et al., 2022). The degree of how self-determined one's motivations are depends on the extent to which they have internalised the values, beliefs and perceptions of their behaviour into their self-concept. Meeting the needs of competence, autonomy and relatedness supports motivations to become progressively internalised (Chiu, 2023). Extrinsic motivation and associated values and behaviours become increasingly integrated with the self and increasingly self-endorsed. This illustrates how self-concept and motivation reciprocally form one another. The degree to which one identifies with a behaviour shapes their motivation to engage with the behaviour; when motivational needs are met, motivated behaviours and psychological processes shape the self-concept. This internalisation process helps explain how Ash came to identify as a swimmer (see Table 2, Van Den Broeck et al., 2021).  

Table 2

Applying Self-Determination Theory to Ash's Motivation and Self-Concept Development.

Type of motivation	Ash's circumstances	Mechanism
External regulation	Ash's parents signed her up to swim. After swimming lessons she would receive a lollipop.	Non-self-determined drive.
Introjected regulation	Ash starts to want her parents to think she is dedicated.	Partially internalised extrinsic motivation, low self-determination.
Identified regulation	Swimming becomes important to Ash as she begins to feel competent and can drive herself to training (autonomy).	More internalised and self-determined.
Integrated regulation	Ash starts to identify as a swimmer and with her swim team (relatedness).	Fully integrated into self-concept, highly self-determined but performed for valued outcome not enjoyment.
Intrinsic motivation	After the swimming competition, Ash continues swimming for the joy of it.	Fully autonomous motivation.

Chiu (2023) provided compelling evidence for how motivation shapes self-concept within the context of self-determination theory. In this study, 342 Hong Kong high school students completed STEM activities taught using a regular teaching approach (non-self-determination theory) or a self-determination theory teaching method, focusing on supporting needs of autonomy, competence and relatedness. Self-report measures of perceived teacher support, STEM identity and STEM interest reflected that the needs-supporting teaching approach increased students' autonomy, competence and relatedness. This resulted in increased STEM identity and interest. This supports the developmental pathway of self-determination theory proposed whereby fulfilling core psychological needs promotes more autonomous motivation and thus develops one's identity.

Further supporting this relationship, Yip et al.'s (2024) longitudinal study of 236 anti-poverty activists who completed self-reported social attitudes and personality measures at two timepoints found that increases in self-determined motivations positively correlated with group identification. However, non-self-determined motivations, such as external regulation, did not correlate with group identification. This suggests that self-determined motivation facilitates the incorporation of behaviour and group membership into one's self-concept.  

Together, self-determination theory suggests self-concepts develop as values and behaviours are progressively internalised. Ash was not initially motivated because she identified as a swimmer. Her repeated engagement in swimming gradually transformed the activity into part of her identity. This demonstrates that motivation can be a mechanism through which self-concept develops and is not simply a motivating force. This theory indicates self-concept and motivation are inherently intertwined.  

How does the reciprocal effects model explain the influence of motivation on self-concept?

The reciprocal effects model proposes that self-concept and achievement reinforce one another over time (Marsh et al., 2018). Individuals with stronger self-concepts tend to achieve more highly, while achievement experiences subsequently shape self-concept. Motivation plays an important role in this process, by influencing how individuals behave toward achievement experiences. There is a growing body of research investigating this model. For example, Sewasew et al.'s (2018) longitudinal study with 2,342 German high schoolers demonstrated mathematics self-concept was a positive predictor of mathematics achievement and vice versa. The effect of achievement on self-concept was moderated by motivational constructs of goal approach theory (Vandewalle et al., 2019). Their study highlighted a mutually dependent relationship between academic self-concept and achievement, each mediated by motivation.  

However, Garn and Shen (2015) using a longitudinal model with 329 participants found motivational needs (autonomy, competence, and relatedness) posited by self-determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2022) did not predict physical self-concept at follow ups. Physical self-concept was only supported as an antecedent to exercise motivation. This result conflicts the reciprocal effects model and may be explained by the timeframe of study; Garn and Shen (2015) suggest initial exercise engagement helps one feel good and motivated, thus immediately influencing self-concept, but as novelty wears off, so does motivation and any effects on self-concept. Another possible explanation for why no reciprocal effect was identified here but there was in Sewasew et al.'s (2018) study of mathematical self-concept is that reciprocal effects may be domain specific. The multidimensional model suggests academic and physical self-concepts function independently, meaning findings from one domain may not necessarily generalise to another.

Similarly, Sorjonen et al. (2024) reanalysed meta-analytic results (Wu et al., 2021) which had provided evidence for the reciprocal effects model. Sorjonen et al. (2024) found that employing different statistical models allowed results to both support and refute the finding that motivation as measured by achievement influenced self-concept. Hübner et al. (2023) similarly support for the reciprocal effects model was inconsistent between statistical models. This may indicate a spurious correlation that undermines the credibility of the reciprocal effects model.  

Taken together, these findings suggest that achievement can shape self-concept, but the strength and direction of this relationship may depend on the domain being examined and the methodological approach used. Although the reciprocal effects model remains influential, current evidence indicates that the relationship between motivation, achievement, and self-concept is more complex than originally proposed.

Self-concept-based interventions

The relationship between self-concept and motivation detailed thus far is useful for establishing motivational interventions. This section explores how self-concept and motivation theory can inform effective interventions to improve motivation and outcomes.

Foster domain-specific self-concept

As the multidimensional model posits, self-concept is multidimensional and hierarchical (Marsh et al., 2019). Research supports that behaviour and outcomes are more closely linked to specific domains of self-concept than general self-concepts (Seaton et al., 2014; Sewasew et al., 2018). Therefore, motivational self-concept interventions should target specific behaviours and identities, not global self-concept. However, it is important for interventions to foster accurate, positive self-concepts for specific domains. As Vu et al. (2024) note, only enhancing self-concept may reduce learning effort and thus negatively impact achievement, consequently impacting self-concept. Similarly, findings challenging the reciprocal effects model indicate that self-concept interventions should be combined with genuine opportunities for achievement (Sewasew et al., 2018; Sorjonen et al., 2024). Nevertheless, academic self-concept plays a role, and its motivational properties should not be overlooked. This means interventions should focus on developing accurate positive beliefs about subject-specific capabilities, through achievement opportunities, rather than broadly encouraging feeling good about oneself.

Foster identity-based motivation

As Rogers (1959) and Oyserman (2018) explain, our identities drive goal pursuit; individuals are motivated to behave in ways that align with their current or desired self-concept. This framework indicates interventions should not focus on outcomes as goals, but identities as motivators. For example, Ash may have greater motivation to train for her competition when her goal is identity focused, rather than if her goal is to achieve a specific time. This is supported by Lohbeck et al.'s (2021) study of children's physical self-concept, motivation and activity. They found that improving physical activity and motivation by improving physical self-concept may be more effective than interventions which focus exclusively on external motivators, or increased activity. While these findings cannot definitively establish causation, paired with pertinent theories, results reinforce that idea that behaviour change and outcome goals may not be as effective motivators as self-concept-aligned goals. Together, identity-aligned goals make behaviour and effort meaningful, and therefore sustainable, which is especially important to maintain persistence when progress is slow.  

Reduce self-threat

A growing body of research indicates that fostering a coherent sense of self is core to wellbeing (Sirgy, 2021). For example, Li et al. (2025) found that self-concept positively predicted wellbeing, mediated by gratitude and prosocial behaviour interventions. As illustrated, however, by the human tendency to self-handicap to defensively protect self-concept, holding success as a contingency for self-worth can be damaging (Lawrence & Gonzales, 2022; Showers et al., 2015). Wellbeing-focused interventions should assist in deemphasising the extent to which self-worth depends on actual or expected outcomes. Promoting self-compassion, diverse positive self-concept domains, self-concept flexibility, and growth-oriented interpretations of failure may therefore improve both wellbeing and motivation.

Across academic, physical, and wellbeing domains, effective interventions are unlikely to only target behaviour. Rather, interventions that shape how individuals understand themselves may produce more sustainable and high quality motivation by influencing the self-concepts that guide behaviour.

Conclusion

Self-concept is one's internal perception of oneself. Self-concept acts as a guiding compass that motivates and directs behaviours through processes of congruence, perceived self-competence, and responses to failure. While self-concept can help individuals make sense of and strive toward goals (Oyserman, 2024; Rogers, 1959) evaluations of competence (Vandewalle et al., 2019) and contingencies of self-worth (Showers et al., 2015) can undermine motivation.

Motivation and subsequent behaviours also form self-concept through internalisation processes when psychological needs are met, as proposed by the self-determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2020). However, inconsistent support for the reciprocal effects model (Garn & Shen, 2015; Sewasew et al., 2018) emphasises that motivation may not have as great a role in shaping self-concept as once thought, underscoring the complexity of these processes.

Nevertheless, these processes inform approaches to motivation-improving interventions. Self-concept-based interventions for improving motivation should focus on domain-specific and identity-based motives, which deemphasise contingencies of self-worth. With self-concept and motivation inherently linked, who one believes they are shapes the goals they pursue, while motivations, behaviours, and experiences continually reshape who one becomes.

See also

• Self-concept (Wikipedia)
• Self-concept clarity (Book chapter, 2019)
• Self-efficacy and motivation (Book chapter, 2014)

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External links

• Being well podcast: Self-concept: The secret to changing WHO you are (Being Well Podcast)
• Unlocking success: The power of self-efficacy and self-concept (TEDx Talks)